Nationalist Turned Psychopath?
One of the most
destructive figures in Palestine’s modern history, who has brought
nothing but blood and disgrace to the Palestinian Cause, is the late
Sabri al-Banna (Abu Nidal). From Damascus, I received news of his
death with extreme passiveness, because as an observer of
inter-Palestinian politics, I knew how bad Abu Nidal was.
Weather he was killed, or had committed suicide—it didn’t really
matter. What mattered was that after living such a bloody life, he
had received the death he deserves. His life, drenched in rivalry,
assassination and espionage, reminded me of the life of the Lebanese
warlord Elie Hobeika, who also received a chilly ending when he was
blown apart in a Beirut explosion in January 2002. Over a 30-year
career, Abu Nidal killed some of Palestine’s ablest statesmen,
alienated foreign countries sympathetic to the Arab Cause, and made
the word Palestinian synonymous with the word terrorist.
Patrick Seale, the Middle East expert who wrote a biography of Abu
Nidal called A Gun for Hire, best described him saying, “he
was a nationalist turned psychopath!” This article is an attempt at
showing the true side of a man, who occupied world attention long
before Osama Bin Laden made it to the international arena. Seale
adds that he was “an outlaw and a killer” and confirms that, “to be
awash in blood (as Abu Nidal had been), is not a normal human
condition.”
Abu Nidal began
his career when still a staunch Arab nationalist as a member of the
underground Syrian Baath Party in Jordan then moved to Yasser
Arafat’s Fateh movement. In 1970, he became Arafat’s envoy to Iraq.
In Baghdad, he was bought off by the Baath Party regime of President
Ahmad Hasan al-Bakr and charged with counter-balancing the influence
of Arafat. Bakr hated the PLO leader and wanted an effective
alternative to bring him down, or least, challenge his moderate
authority and his willingness to recognize Israel and conduct peace
talks with it. His terror debut, backed by Bakr, was launched in
September 1973 when he seized the Saudi Embassy in Paris and took 13
diplomats hostage. They would be freed, he claimed, only if the late
King Faisal pressured King Hussein of Jordan to release the
thousands of Palestinian guerillas he had abducted in 1970 in Amman.
To show he was serious, Abu Nidal ordered his agents to fly over
Riyadh and threaten to throw off the hostages, one by one, if Faisal
did not immediately comply. This amateur operation ended in failure
three days later, but more was yet to come. In response to his
madness, an embarrassed Arafat expelled him from Fatah and in
October 1974, Abu Nidal tried to kill Abu Mazen, the PLO’s number
two man, in revenge. He was tried in abstensia in a PLO court
and sentenced to death. This prompted his all-out war against
Arafat, claiming that the only way to deal with his Arab opponents
was, “the gun, only the gun!”
In January 1978,
six months after Menahim Begin’s rise to power in Israel, Abu Nidal
began to kill off PLO moderates who were calling for peace talks
with Begin and the establishment of a Palestinian State in the West
Bank and Gaza. All of them, he dismissed as traitors. In January
1978, Abu Nidal murdered Sa’id Hammami, the PLO ambassador in
London. In August 1978, Izz al-Dinn al-Qalaq, Arafat’s envoy to
France, was slain and a few days later, Yusuf Abu Hantash, his
ambassador to Pakistan, barely escaped an assassination attempt. In
April 1980, he tried to kill Abu Iyad, the PLO’s intelligence
supreme, in Belgrade, and in June 1981, shot Na’im Khudur, the PLO
ambassador in Brussels. In July 1981, Abu Dawoud, a veteran PLO
commando, barely escaped death in Warsaw and in April 1983, Dr Issam
Sartawi, one of the most seasoned Palestinian statesmen and loudest
advocates of peace, was gunned down in Lisbon. These were precisely
the men who were internationalizing the Palestinian cause and
influencing Western public opinion on the Arab-Israeli Conflict.
When Syria entered its war in Lebanon in June 1976, President Bakr
clashed with the Syrians for their decision to support the Christian
militias in their war against the Muslims and unleashed Abu Nidal on
them. He declared a Black June in Damascus, similar to the Black
September of King Hussein against the Palestinian commandos in 1970,
and blew up Syrian embassies in Istanbul and Rome. He planted bombs
at the offices of Syrian Airlines in Kuwait and in trashcans
scattered across Damascus. In September 1976, his men seized the
Semiramis Hotel in downtown Damascus and took 90 people hostage. In
October 1977, he tried to kill the then-Foreign Minister Abdul Halim
Khaddam. The Syrian Minister escaped, but the UAE Minister of State
for Foreign Affairs Sayf al-Ghubash, was slain instead. When in
1980, Iraq entered its war on Iran, the new President Saddam Hussein
needed to brandish his regional and international image, and decided
to expel Abu Nidal—who took temporary residence in Syria and offered
his services to the Syrian Government.
From Damascus, he
provided his new patrons with information on the Muslim Brotherhood,
who were waging a war against the Asad regime (and who he had helped
train in Baghdad), and pledged to shake the throne of King Hussein,
who was also at odds end with the late Asad. In October 1983, the
Jordanian Ambassador in New Delhi was killed. In March 1984, Abu
Nidal set off a bomb next to the Amman Intercontinental Hotel. In
December 1984, he killed the Jordanian envoy to Bucharest and in
April 1985, blew up Hussein’s embassy in Rome. In July 1985, the
Madrid office of Alia was gunned-down. Fed up, Hussein brought Abu
Nidal onto his payroll, where he began to launch attacks on
Syria—while still residing on Syrian soil. He set off bombs at the
office of the Syrian Arab News Agency in Damascus and the Syrian
Minister of Interior and tried to demolish the Syrian Embassy in
London. When he fell from grace in both Damascus and Amman, he
turned to the Arab Gulf—not for the cause of Palestine, but simply,
to make more money! Seale describes him as having become nothing but
a “highway robber.” In April 1987, he crashed a Gulf Air plane en
route from Dubai to Karachi, and in February 1984, killed the UAE
Ambassador to Paris. In June 1982, he killed a Kuwaiti diplomat in
Delhi, and in September 1982, murdered another in Madrid. He then
moved to the Libyan service and was charged with killing off the
opposition members to the Quaddafi regime. Abu Nidal’s former
right-hand-man Atif Abu Bakr, who was director of the Revolutionary
Council’s political bureau, gave a series of interviews to the
London-based al-Hayyat following his ex-master’s death in
August 2002, implicating him in the terrorist bombing of the
American airplane over Lockerbie in. When the first Intifadah
broke out in 1987, Abu Nidal refused to support it or provide it
with money, claiming that it was pro-Arafat. He followed the same
policy with the regard to the current Intifadah that broke
out in September 2000. Instead, he worked to further alienate
foreign opinion to the Palestinian cause. He began to kill
indiscriminately—not Palestinian opponents, not Arabs, and not
Israelis, but foreigners who were un-connected in any way to the
Arab-Israeli Conflict. In 1988, he set off a car bomb in Cyprus,
killing tens and alienating Cypriot opinion from the Arab Cause.
Other senseless killings were made in the Sudan and in Athens, where
he attacked a cruiser ship on holiday. He killed off Saudi diplomats
and took French children hostages—damaging whatever support that
Palestine had in Europe.
Now, he is dead
and nobody in the world seems to miss him. The contradicting reports
from Baghdad show that even in his death, Abu Nidal arouses
controversy. Some claim that President Saddam Husayn ordered his
death, to show that he was keen on cracking down on terrorism
himself. Supporters of this argument claim that the official Iraqi
alibi, which claims that he committed suicide when summoned for
interrogation for illegally entering the country on a false
passport, is hard-to-believe. First, the Iraqis know, more so than
others, that never in his life had Abu Nidal carried a real passport
and that all his identity proofs are fake. Arresting him for a fake
passport is a bluff. And, in a regime like Iraq, which has recently
been rocked by paranoia of a eminent attack by the USA, it is
unlikely that someone as controversial as Abu Nidal, who is very
well known in Baghdad, would be residing on Iraqi territory
without government approval. Another more convincing tale claims
that Abu Nidal had been working as a double-agent since the Gulf War
of 1991 for both the Kuwaiti and Iraqi Governments. Published in the
Paris-based al-Watan al-Arabi, this tale claims that Abu
Nidal’s bases on the outskirts of Baghdad were transformed into
detention centers for Kuwaitis following the Gulf War. Abu Nidal was
able to draft files on the names, location, and condition of all
Kuwaiti nationals in Iraq, along with cassette recordings and video
footage of their interrogation, and had been negotiating a deal with
the Kuwaiti Government to hand them over for $150 million in order
to frame Baghdad in light of the upcoming US offensive. This number
had been brought down, after much debate, to $100 million. If the
Iraqis killed him, however, for the mentioned cause, then they have
done humanity a favor. I would not blame Saddam Husayn if he cracked
down on a murderer like Abu Nidal. If he killed himself, as the
Iraqis claim, it is only natural that a man so immersed in blood,
who is so accustomed to taking the life of others, would accept that
no one but himself take his own life. Either way, Abu Nidal is dead
and the world is a little better than what it was before!.