Any person who was in Beirut on May
24, 2000, the day Hezbollah liberated South Lebanon, understands
how immensely popular the enigmatic Hasan Nasrullah is in the
country's Muslim, and particularly Shi'ite, community. Any
person watching his speech five years later, this month, after
the US started to press for the withdrawal of Syrian troops from
Lebanon, and the disarming of Hezbollah, of which Nasrullah is
the head, knows how easy it might be for the United States to
get Syria to leave Lebanon, but how difficult, if not
impossible, it would be to disarm or weaken the Shi'ites.
Syria said on Thursday that it was ready to work with the United
Nations to implement a Security Council resolution requiring its
approximately 17,000 troops to quit Lebanon, but that speeding
up the pullout would require stronger Lebanese security forces.
International pressure on Syria to pull out its troops and
relinquish its political grip on its tiny neighbor intensified
after the February 14 assassination of former Lebanese premier
Rafik Hariri. Many Lebanese blame Syria for his killing in a
huge blast in Beirut.
The long road to power
Napoleon Bonaparte once said: "I can no longer obey; I have
tasted command, and I cannot give it up." Disarming Hezbollah,
and writing them off the political scene in Lebanon, would be
like asking the Iraqi Shi'ites, who have now tasted power after
decades of oppression under Saddam Hussein, to leave office
willingly, abandon their new-found rights, and return to the
wretched state they were in during the previous 100 years.
They would not do that without putting up a bloody war -
bloodier even than the Anglo-American war of 2003. The Shi'ites,
after all, are a majority in Lebanon, estimated at 1.37 million
(40%) of the nation's total population of 3,777,218. So much has
been said over the past two weeks about the disarming of
Hezbollah and the implementation of UN Resolution 1559 in
Lebanon for the withdrawal of its troops. Can that be done with
minimal damage to Lebanon, Syria and the Middle East as a whole?
Have all parties seriously considered the Nasrullah factor?
The Shi'ites of Lebanon, like the Shi'ites of Iraq, are a
majority who have long suffered from Sunni domination,
especially during the 400-year rule of the Ottoman Empire in
what is present-day Lebanon. Located in the eastern Bekka
Valley, they survived during the early years of the 20th century
through trade with Palestine, which was cut off completely by
the creation of Israel in 1948. Preoccupied with domestic
issues, consecutive Lebanese regimes paid little attention to
the plight of the Shi'ites, and they were forgotten, politically
and economically, during the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s.
While government funds poured into the modernization of Beirut,
making it the "Switzerland of the East" during the 1960s, the
Shi'ite districts were neglected, receiving 0.7% of the state
budget in 1974, although they made up 20% of the population at
the time. Their representatives in parliament were all absentee
feudal landlords who paid little attention to their plight,
making the Shi'ites an economic under-class during the booming
years of Beirut.
An Iranian-born cleric named Musa al-Sadr emerged as leader of
the Shi'ite community in the 1960s, creating the Movement of the
Dispossessed in 1974 for emancipation of the Shi'ites. When the
civil war broke out in 1975, he founded a military branch for
his party, called Amal (Hope). It was trained by the Palestinian
Liberation Organization (PLO) of Yasser Arafat and flourished in
a poor neighborhood of Beirut, known as al-Dahiyeh, where the
majority of the Shi'ites lived and worked.
Sadr's movement demanded more government funds for the Shi'ite
community, better infrastructure, increased representation in
politics, and more access to government jobs. All of this was
only achieved many years later, under the leadership of
Nasrullah in the 1990s. Amal fought with the Palestinians and
Druze militias of Kamal Jumblatt against Syria and its Christian
allies. They soon switched sides to the Syrians, fighting with
them against the Christians.
Sadr disappeared, under mysterious circumstances, while on a
visit to Libya in 1978, and he was replaced by the less popular
Husayn al-Husayni, a man with no charisma or strong power base
in the Shi'ite community. Many shed doubt on the ability of Amal
to continue in the absence of Sadr, but then came the Islamic
revolution in Iran in 1979, inspiring new fervor among the
Shi'ites of Lebanon, who were supported wholeheartedly in their
war for emancipation by the new mullahs of Tehran.
In 1980, Husayni was replaced by Nabih Berri, a secular Shi'ite
lawyer who had excellent relations with Syrian president Hafez
al-Assad. During the heyday of Syria's war with Arafat, Amal
waged a bloody war against the Palestinians, blaming them for
the reprisal attacks carried out by Israel against Arafat's
forces in South Lebanon. Amal called it a "war of the camps"
against Arafat's PLO. The ones to suffer most from Israeli
attacks were the Shi'ites, Berri argued, since 80% of the South
was Shi'ite. Radical elements of Amal broke away in 1984, with
money from Iranian hardliners, wanting initially to establish an
Iran-like theocracy in Lebanon. This group announced its
official existence in a press release, naming itself Hezbollah
(Party of God).
Amal began to lose popular support among ordinary Shi'ites in
the late 1970s for its backing of the Maronite president Elias
Sarkis and the secularism of its leader, Nabih Berri. The
reputation of Berri suffered a blow when, in 1984, he became
minister of state for rebuilding South Lebanon, under president
Amin Gemayel, forcing him to concentrate on political matters
rather than the military campaigns of Amal.
Husayn al-Husayni also lost credit when he became Speaker of
parliament in 1985-92 and diverted his attention from Shi'ite
grievances at the grassroots level. In June 1985, Hezbollah
highjacked TWA Flight 847, forcing it to land at Beirut airport
and taking hostages, who were only released after Israel
released 700 Lebanese prisoners. The TWA highjacking increased
the popularity of Hezbollah, at the expense of Berri, and its
members began to clash openly with both Berri and Dawoud Dawoud,
the leader of Amal in South Lebanon.
In February 1988, Hezbollah attracted more supporters by
kidnapping Lieutenant-Colonel William Higgens, an American
working with UN Interim Forces in Lebanon (UNIFL). Dawoud led an
offensive against them in South Lebanon, and in September 1988
was ambushed and killed. Some pointed fingers at Hezbollah,
others at Berri, accusing him of eliminating Dawoud to clear the
stage for his unchallenged leadership of Amal. Berri's rise to
pan-Shi'ite leadership was challenged, however, with the rise of
radical leaders in Hezbollah who captured the minds and hearts
of the Shiite masses from the mid-1980s onwards. It was during
this time that Hasan Nasrullah, a young charismatic leader of
Hezbollah who was 22 years Berri's junior, began to make
headlines as one of the impassioned military commanders of the
new Shi'ite militia.
The rise of Nasrullah
Hasan Nasrullah was born on August 31, 1960, in Beirut. His
father was a vegetable vendor, originally from Bassouriyeh
village in South Lebanon. He once said in an interview with the
Cairo-based al-Ahram, "No one from my family had been a cleric
before. I am one of those few who have no family claim to this
profession."
When the civil war began in 1975, his family moved back to South
Lebanon, where he was exposed to Amal, and the charismatic
leadership of Musa al-Sadr. Nasrullah became a devoted Shi'ite
Muslim, frequenting mosques in his neighborhood and capturing
the attention of a cleric named Mohammad al-Ghrawi, who advised
him to continue his theology studies in Najaf, Iraq, at the
hawza (Islamic seminary) there.
Ghrawi gave him a letter of recommendation to give to ayatollah
Mohammad Baqir al-Sadr, who welcomed him and placed him under
the guidance of another Lebanese Shi'ite named Abbas al-Musawi,
the future secretary general of Hezbollah who was assassinated
in 1992. Musawi, in turn, was a disciple of Sheikh Mohammad
Husayn Fadlallah, the current supreme Shi'ite cleric in Lebanon,
who had returned from his studies in Najaf in 1966.
Until the present, Nasrullah's relations with Fadlallah remained
perfect. After the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979, Saddam
Hussein began persecuting Shi'ite activity in Iraq, accusing the
Shi'ites in Najaf of being agents for ayatollah Ruhollah
Khomeini, working to topple the secular Ba'athist regime with a
theocracy.
Nasrullah returned to Lebanon to study and teach at an Islamic
institute founded by Musawi in Baalbak. His young age and
charisma attracted a large following of Shi'ite men, who began
looking up to him for guidance and leadership. Nasrullah was
expelled from Amal in 1982 for criticizing its leadership's
weakness in light of the Israeli invasion of Beirut, and in 1985
joined the newly founded Hezbollah, bringing along a large
number of his students and followers.
He became involved in military activity, and in 1987 succeeded
in driving Amal militias out of districts in Beirut. Realizing
that he was en route to becoming a Shi'ite leader in his own
right, Nasrullah cut short his military career to complete his
religious studies in Qom, Iran. Religious credentials are a must
for any ambitious Shi'ite leader in the Arab world. He returned
to Lebanon in 1989 to lead his commandos against Amal militias
in Iqlim al-Tuffah, South Lebanon, and was wounded in battle. He
became a member of Hezbollah's central military committee at the
age of 29.
Capturing the party
In October 1989, the leaders of Hezbollah supported the Taif
Accord, a peace formula orchestrated by Syria and Saudi Arabia
to bring an end to the civil war in Lebanon. Hezbollah agreed to
release Western hostages it had captured during the war, to back
Syria's policies in Lebanon, which included the ousting of the
anti-Syrian army commander Michel Aoun, but refused to disarm as
all the militias did, claiming that it was needed in South
Lebanon to liberate the region from Israeli occupation.
Hezbollah's decision was dictated directly by Iranian president
Ali Akbar Rafsanjani, and backed by Assad, against the will of
hardline clerics in Iran who wanted to establish a theocracy in
Lebanon, such as Ali Akbar Mohtashemi.
Nasrullah, by now emerging as one of Iran's favorites in
Lebanon, went to Tehran in September 1989 to receive the
blessing of Rafsanjani, and worked briefly as Hezbollah
"ambassador" to Iran. In 1991, his mentor Musawi became
secretary general of Hezbollah, but was ambushed and killed in
February 1992 by Israeli helicopters. The Iranians, most notably
Rafsanjani and Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, backed
Nasrullah's claims to leadership of Hezbollah, since he had been
Musawi's right-hand man, although the party's hierarchy showed
that the post should go to Sheikh Naiim Qasim, the deputy
secretary general. The blessing of Tehran secured the post for
Nasrullah, however, and Qasim remained deputy, a post he still
holds today, 13 years later.
The ascent of the young Nasrullah was surprising to a majority
of veteran leaders in the Shi'ite community, notably Nabih Berri
(by now Speaker of the Lebanese parliament). Only 31 years old,
Nasrullah was many years younger than most clerics, regarded
politically and religiously inexperienced (he had spent only two
years studying theology in Najaf, while Musawi had spent nine).
The same claims were made in April 2004 against Muqtada al-Sadr
in Iraq, who in his late 20s emerged to lead the Mehdi Army and
challenge more established Shi'ite leaders, such as the veteran
Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani. He, too, attracted a wide
audience because he was challenging conventional leadership,
motivating the masses with his patriotic speeches, and using
force, rather than diplomacy, to combat the enemy.
The young leader in Lebanon started his new career by promising
to avenge Musawi's blood. On March 17, 1992, a car bomb went off
at the Israeli Embassy in Buenos Aires, killing 29 people.
Nasrullah had sent off a clear message to the world: Hezbollah
was a key player in Lebanon that could not be dismissed or
eliminated that easily, and would strike at its enemies with
force if they dared to confront it.
In May 1994, Israeli commandos penetrated into Lebanon and
captured Mustapha al-Dirani, a pro-Hezbollah member of Amal. An
infuriated Hezbollah responded in July 1994 with a suicide
bomber blowing himself up at the Argentine-Israeli Mutual
Association in Buenos Aires, killing 85 people. Hezbollah denied
involvement, to avoid international pressure to limit its
casualties to the battlefield, but everybody knew that Hezbollah
was behind the bombing, in retaliation for the capturing of
Dirani.
For the next 10 years, Nasrullah would mention Dirani, and other
senior Hezbollah prisoners, in every single one of his speeches,
promising to release them from Israel. He eventually succeeded
when conducting a massive prisoner exchange with Israel in
January 2004. In July 1993, Israel carried out a seven-day
offensive against Hezbollah, and Nasrullah responded by
showering Israel with 142 Katyusha rockets.
In April 1996, war broke out again, for 16 days, and Hezbollah
responded with 489 Katyusha rockets. In September 1997,
Nasrullah's 18-year-old son Hadi was killed in combat, and
Nasrullah received news of his death with stunningly calm
composure. An article in al-Ahram described Hadi's funeral,
saying:
Sayed Hassan Nasrullah entered the hall in solemn dignity
accompanied by Jawad, his teenage son. He stopped before each
coffin and offered the Fatiha [the Muslim equivalent of the
Lord's Prayer] until he reached the one marked 13. He beckoned
an aide and spoke to him in a whisper. The aide summoned two
workers of the Islamic Health Association, a Hezbollah outfit.
They opened the coffin, exposing a body wrapped in a white
shroud. Sheikh Nasrullah's eyes closed, his lips trembled as he
offered the Fatiha. Slowly, he bent over and tenderly stroked
the head of Hadi Nasrullah, his eldest son, who was 18 years old
when he died in battle on September 13 [1997]. Jawad, the
younger son, stood still and pale next to his father. A deep
silence fell on the room while his right hand rested on his
son's chest. It was broken by the clicking of a reporter's
camera, but promptly returned when Sheikh Nasrullah looked up in
cold surprise.
Over the next decade, Katyusha rocket attacks on Israel became
common combat methods for Hezbollah, usually in response to
Israeli attacks, but they rarely caused real physical or
military damage inside Israel. The psychological damage on
Israeli citizens, however, was paramount and the Israeli media
would portray them as "terror attacks". After every attack, an
inflammatory speech by Nasrullah would follow, and hundreds of
Hezbollah followers would roam the streets of Beirut, shouting:
"Ya Nasrullah Ya Habib, Damer, Damer Tal Abib!" (Oh Nasrullah,
our Beloved. Destroy, destroy Israel!"
The popularity that Hezbollah accumulated in the 1990s was due
to two things: its massive media machine, and the countrywide
educational and social network of schools, charities, hospitals
and mosques that they operated, often under Nasrullah's direct
supervision. Hezbollah put a lot of money into rebuilding
poverty stricken neighborhoods of the Shi'ite community, and
subsidizing housing in South Lebanon, after the Israeli
withdrawal in 2000.
Much of the money initially came from Iran, but after gaining
nationwide popularity in 2000, Hezbollah began to raise a lot of
money on its own. On every road leading into Beirut, and on
every route to the Shi'ite neighborhoods, Hezbollah youth would
create friendly roadblocks, adorned with pictures of Nasrullah,
the yellow flag of Hezbollah, booming nationalist songs, and a
charity box. These petty donations added up and pretty soon
larger donations came in from the emigrant Shi'ite community in
the US, Latin America and Africa.
Needy families in the Shi'ite community received sealed
envelopes from the secretary general of Hezbollah at the start
of every month, with a decent stipend. This endeared him to the
lower class of the Shi'ite community, which 30 years earlier
Musa al-Sadr had described as the "wretched of the Earth".
Part of Nasrullah's success was that while always appealing to
the Shi'ites, he never mentioned pan-Shi'ite loyalties, and
always claimed to be speaking for Lebanon. This was not the case
with Musa al-Sadr, who rose to power in the 1960s and 1970s
through emphasis on Shi'ite nationalism as part of the greater
Lebanese nationalism.
This different approach gave Nasrullah a fairly large following
among the Sunnis of Lebanon as well. Like Sadr, however, he
fully understood the multitude of Lebanon's confessional system,
never once calling for an Islamic state in Lebanon, and always
proclaiming to be a firm believer in the right of all Lebanese,
regardless of religion, to live in harmony. Sadr, on the other
hand, had referred to the Shi'ites as "disinherited",
criticizing Maronite arrogance toward the Shi'ite community and
the disproportionate representation of Shi'ites in senior
political posts. While Sadr was highly critical of the Lebanese
army for failing to protect the South from Israeli attacks in
the 1970s, Nasrullah requested the protection of no one,
claiming that Hezbollah can do well in South Lebanon without
assistance from the Lebanese army. This was partly in order to
maintain his hold over the South, and mainly to have a free hand
in launching sporadic cross-border attacks against Israel.
Nasrullah liberates South Lebanon
Nasrullah's attacks on Israel usually resulted in retaliatory
attacks on South Lebanon. In 1999, however, Israel's new prime
minister Ehud Barak responded by bombing Beirut, causing much
discontent among non-Shi'ite civilians who did not want to pay
the price for Nasrullah's war. They quickly silenced their
grumbling when one year later on May 24, 2000, Nasrullah
liberated South Lebanon from the Israeli occupation it had been
under since 1978. He was hailed throughout the Arab and Muslim
world as a great leader, the only Arab to fight a war and emerge
victorious against Israel since 1948.
Many speculated that he would now lay down his arms, and
transform Hezbollah into a political party, but Nasrullah had
other plans. He refused to disarm, just as he is doing today
with regard to Resolution 1559, claiming that Israel still
occupies Sheba Farms in South Lebanon.
President Emile Lahhoud could do little to stop him, since by
that point Hasan Nasrullah was literarily the strongest man in
Lebanon, supported wholeheartedly in his war against Israel by
both Syria and Iran. The death of Syria's president Hafez
al-Assad in June 2000 left the activities of Hezbollah unchecked
inside Lebanon, since only Asad had the influence to dictate
policy on the Shi'ite guerillas.
They maintained a strong relationship with Syria's new leader,
Assad, based on common objectives in the Middle East, but no
longer received orders from Syria. They informed the Syrian
government of their plans, received guidance, supported Assad,
and often relied on the Syrians for advice, but apart from that,
this is where Syrian influence ended.
Nasrullah's team entered the political arena, running for
parliament and winning 12 seats in 2000. In 1992, they had won
eight seats in the 128-seat parliament. Hezbollah refused to
assume government office, however, because according to
Nasrullah, this would make the party bear responsibilities for
mistakes done by any regime, whereas in the resistance it
remains purified from political corruption and blundering.
After liberation of the South, Nasrullah was received as a guest
of honor at the Presidential Palace by Lahhoud, and in 2000 met
with UN Secretary General Kofi Annan during his visit to
Lebanon. In reviewing the situation in Lebanon, Annan had to
meet with all decision-makers, and it was impossible for him to
sidestep Nasrullah.
Post-2000 Nasrullah
To increase its power base outside Lebanon, Hezbollah began to
transmit its al-Manar TV by satellite in 2000. Hezbollah
propaganda and Nasrullah's inflammatory speeches could now be
viewed by Arabs and Muslims all over the world, much to the
displeasure of the US and Israel. In 2004, it was estimated that
10 million people watched al-Manar.
Not once on al-Manar were the Arabs portrayed as defeated. Every
single piece of propaganda showed a victorious guerrilla
warrior, either during battle striking at Israeli targets, or
returning from combat in triumph. Military operations were often
filmed in detail, and so was training of Hezbollah commandos.
Nasrullah would meet with every single bomber before he/she
carried out an operation against Israel. To raise their morale,
he would stress that they are going to heaven, because religious
war (jihad) was an obligation in Islam, and tell them: "Give my
regards to the Prophet Mohammed."
Al-Manar drummed up a lot of support against the US war on
Afghanistan in 2001, and Iraq in 2003. After September 11, 2001,
US President George W Bush wanted to name Hezbollah as one of
the "terrorist organizations" in the world, but was prevented
from doing so by Lebanese premier Hariri, who warned that this
would undermine support for the US war on Afghanistan throughout
the Arab World. Syria, at the time cooperating with the Federal
Bureau of Investigation to track down al-Qaeda members in
Europe, also lobbied on Hezbollah's behalf in Washington.
Nasrullah increased his cooperation with Syria in late 2000,
after the Maronites mobilized behind their patriarch, Mar
Nasrullah Boutros Sfeir, demanding that the Syrian army withdraw
from Lebanon. This threatened to increase Maronite influence in
Lebanon, at the expense of the Shi'ites, and return the
community to the plight of the pre-1975 era.
Nasrullah was loud and clear in refusing Sfeir's demands,
claiming that the Syrian army in Lebanon was needed so long as
the Israelis remained in the Sheba Farms. In March 2001, Sfeir
returned from a visit to the US aimed at lobbying international
support against the Syrians in Lebanon. He had applied for a
meeting with Bush, but had been turned down by the White House.
He was greeted, nevertheless, by thousands of Christian
supporters opposed to Syria. Nasrullah responded by staging a
public rally in April 2001, where about 300,000 Hezbollah
supporters gathered to listen to their inflammatory leader
defend Syria. The presence of Syrian troops in Lebanon,
Nasrullah argued, "was a regional and internal necessity for
Lebanon" and a "national obligation for Syria".
Matters worsened for Hezbollah when Syria fell from Washington's
grace after the US war on Iraq in March 2003. As US pressure on
Syria increased, so did accusations against Hezbollah, whom Bush
described as a "terrorist group" with "global outreach".
At the US Institute of Peace, then deputy secretary of state
Richard Armitage said that Hezbollah was an "A-team" of
"terrorists" with a "blood debt" to the US, in reference to the
bombing of a US Marine Corps base at Beirut airport in 1983,
widely believed to be the doing of the Amal militias that became
Hezbollah in 1985. Armitage threatened that Hezbollah's time
would come, and meanwhile, think-tanks, US media and
neo-conservatives described the Shi'ite militias as the next
al-Qaeda.
Yet nobody made any move against Hezbollah, because the Shi'ites
of Iraq would not hear of it. By 2004, the US was involved in an
all-out war with militant Shi'ites in Iraq, headed by Muqtada,
arousing much anger among the community, which comprises 60% of
the Iraqi population.
The US could not afford another Shi'ite war in the Middle East,
which would turn all the Shi'ites of Iraq, and not only
Muqtada's Mehdi Army, into enemies of the United States.
Nasrullah can, with ease, call them into combat and unleash hell
for the Americans in Iraq, especially since some media reports
are saying that he has already set up cells for Hezbollah in
Iraqi cities like Basra and Safwan, a fact that he denies.
Instead of taking action against him, Washington tried to
isolate the Shi'ite guerrillas of Lebanon by getting Canada to
label them a "terrorist organization" in 2002, followed by
Australia in mid-2003. The European Union, however, declined to
follow suit, yet al-Manar was forbidden from broadcasting in
France in 2004.
Then came the assassination of Hariri this month. Hariri was
believed to have been behind the passing of UN Resolution 1559
in 2004 calling for Syrian troop withdrawal from Lebanon and the
disarming of Hezbollah. The Lebanese opposition, along with the
US, pointed accusations for the murder against Syria, claiming
that it had failed to protect Hariri, or even ordered his
elimination since he had joined the opposition in late 2004 to
oppose renewing the presidential mandate of Lahhoud, Syria's No
1 man in Lebanon, until 2007.
While the Druze rallied around their leader Jumblatt, a onetime
puppet of Damascus, in calling on the Syrians to leave Lebanon,
the Maronites rallied around their leaders, and so did most of
Hariri's Sunnis, who were accusing Syria of having failed to
protect their leader. Standing alone in the fight for Syria were
Hezbollah and the Shi'ites of Lebanon. Nasrullah responded to
the massive demonstrations that took over Beirut after Hariri's
death by calling for a public rally on the Shi'ite ceremony of
Ashura, attracting thousands of Hezbollah followers.
The Ashura event, usually broadcast exclusively by al-Manar, was
aired on all Arabic and Lebanese satellite stations, reportedly
at Nasrullah's request. Particular emphasis was placed on the
number and power of Shi'ite militias in Lebanon, who roared
while clad in black: "Death to Israel!" Nasrullah stressed that
contrary to what many were saying, he did not have cells for
Hezbollah in Iraq.
Iraqi Interior Minister Falah Hasan al-Naqib had said earlier
that his government had arrested 16 members of Hezbollah in
Iraq. "Let Iraq utter the full name of one of them," Nasrullah
replied. He refused the internationalization of the
Syrian-Lebanese crisis, demanding that all conflicting parties
sort out their differences among themselves.
"Today, our responsibility and commitment for a nation make it
obligatory for all parties to avoid further deterioration. God
forbid, if the roof collapses, it collapses on all of us." He
added, "We must not repeat mistakes of the past," in reference
to the civil war that led to the killing of 250,000 people, 15%
of the population of Lebanon. "Let us discuss, calmly and
rationally, the implementation of Resolution 1559 and the Syrian
withdrawal from Lebanon," he added.
Hezbollah described the Ashura march this year as "a massive
rally in defense of the resistance". "We gather today to express
the people's will to protect the resistance movement against all
attempts that aim at eliminating its presence and ending its
role," Nasrullah said.
And that is exactly what Nasrullah will do: work for the
protection of his interests, those of Syria, and the Shi'ites of
Lebanon, against all external meddling by the US.